ahorbinski: kanji (kanji)
Bibliographic Data: Thal, Sarah. Rearranging the Landscape of the Gods: The Politics of a Pilgrimage Site in Japan, 1573-1912. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

Main Argument: Thal notes at least four difficulties in defining the nature of kami (their particularity, their plasticity, their close association with other types of powerful beings, and the difficulty of applying Western religious concepts to Japanese phenomena), using the sacred site of Mt. Zôzu on Shikoku (beter known as Kotohira or Konpira) to argue that in the early modern period "not only priests but also politicians, pilgrims, entrepreneurs and officials shaped the complex structure of what would become modern Shinto: a purportedly timeless, unchanging, native tradition that in fact emerged from the pressures of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries" (09-10).

Rearranging the landscape of the gods )

Critical assessment: This is a strong, excellent study that, through its tight focus on Kotohira, manages to reveal telling points about the Japanese experience of the category that we call "religion" through the Edo period and into the early Meiji era. That said, I did get tired of how absolutely everything in the three centuries Thal covers dramatically reshapes Kotohira (which does lead to the question: how does one convey dynamism without going too far into hyperbole?).

That said, this site history does provide some fascinating corrections to more generalized narratives of the Meiji period and of the relationship between state Shinto and the state, as well as being engaging in its own right, particularly in the chapters after 1868. Thal succeeds well in conveying through thick description the inextricably intertwined and combinatory nature of religion in Japan before the Meiji. I appreciated the reminder her book offered that institutions must always successfully negotiate the political, social, and economic contexts around them for their survival; in particular I thought her account of the Kotohira priests' maneuvering around and through the early Meiji state's policy shilly-shallying was very nicely illustrative of the kinks that are almost always flattened in more general histories of the period, even if the adaptability and functional ambiguity of religion and worship, respectively, in Japan, is nothing new (for which see Karen Smyers' excellent The Fox and the Jewel). Of especial note and fascination is her revealing just how much of the actual lived practice of state Shinto was created, not in a top-down manner by priests or officials, but in response to and with the active participation of commoners, from undifferentiated laity to businesspeople to potential patrons.

Further reading: Karen Smyers, The Fox and the Jewel; Michael Dylan Foster, Pandemonium and Parade; Helen Hardacre, Shintô and the state, 1868-1988

Meta notes: It's interesting to see this book in the Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute series, which is explicitly devoted to "significant new research on modern and contemporary East Asia." Also, I don't enjoy the multitude of short chapters; for my taste, I'd rather have longer, tighter ones.

I visited Kotohira this summer (it was deathly hot), and it's interesting to go back over this book in light of that perspective. Thal is right that for most people the primary experience of the shrine is now as a series of steps (with a side of udon and sweet potato soft cream, in my case). You can still see the palimpsest of history in the town and the shrine, and visiting Kotohira with Thal's book in mind  enriches the experience by making the layers of that palimpsest legible.

Our department offered Thal a job in 2007, and I wish she'd taken it.
ahorbinski: Tomoe Gozen is so badass she glued her OTW mug to her wrist.  (tomoe gozen would haved loved the OTW)
Bibliographic Data: Moerman, D. Max. Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2005.

Main Argument: The shrine and temple complex of Kumano on the southern coast of the Kii peninsula, which became a major pilgrimage site and political and economic force beginning in the Heian period, constituted what Moerman terms "a site of accumulated and overdetermined, a place at once real and imaginary" (2). Indeed, Moerman argues that Kumano is best understood as a heterotopia, a real place that is nevertheless a counter-site, a site of otherness that reveals and contests the rules by which utopias are constructed.

Heterotopias are disturbing )

Critical assessment: I quite enjoyed this book; while it's not earth-shaking, it does provide a cogent, very well-written analysis of Kumano and the multivalent meanings it held simultaneously, syncretically and diachronically for various groups. Moerman's insistent emphasis on "premodern Japan," I think, robs his analysis of some of the potential contemporary relevance of his analysis, inasmuch as the work of Karen Smyers, for instance, demonstrates conclusively that the multivalent, polysemic understanding and practice of Japanese religion is perhaps its defining feature over the longue durée. Indeed, Moerman is following people like Smyers in heeding Allan Grapard's call to "studyJapanese religious phenomena in situ, starting from the basic territorial unit and community in which they developed rather than from the more traditional focus on sects or major thinkers" (qt. 3).

Though he rarely mentions it explicitly and rather obviously avoids using the word "nation," and though his study is mostly concerned with the so-called high medieval period (if I may be forgiven for using that term) which preceded the era of civil war before the early modern period, Moerman's book in the end leaves readers with the impression of Kumano as an integral part in a construction of a nation in medieval Japan, one contested and constituted in the practices of pilgrimage and itinerant preaching that he describes, defined within a boundary no less than other precincts were defined through exclusion and boundary markers that marked a shared culture uniting everyone from emperors to mountain ascetics. I am deliberately going farther than Moerman is willing to, as his title and his persistent reference to the local throughout the book demonstrates, but I am singularly unimpressed with the idea that Japan became a nation in any meaningful sense of the term only after 1867.

I also appreciated Moerman’s frank discussion of the misogyny inherent in contemporary Buddhism and the limited but notable strategies available to women to contest it, as well as his discussion of the role Kumano played in the formation, consolidation and ultimate failure of the power of the retired emperors in the 12th century, which I think was the best single chapter in the book. I do, however, question his claim that the 12th century represented the height of imperial power; reading The Emergence of Japanese Kingship surely indicates that Great Kings and Tennô of the seventh and eighth centuries enjoyed a considerable degree of personal power, perhaps most notably under Kanmu, who moved the capital of “Japan” not once but twice during his reign. If nothing else, I would like more evidence to back up that particular claim.

All that being said, however, I question to what extent Kumano really is a heterotopia. Foucault discussed heterotopias twice in his career: once, non-canonically, in the 1960s in "Of Other Spaces," which is what Moerman quotes, and again in the preface to The Order of Things, which was published in English in 1970. The quotation Moerman uses says that heterotopias are "real places--places that do exist, and that are formed at the very founding of society--which are something like counter-sites, a kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites, all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted" (qt. 2). The fuller passage in The Order of Things, however, runs:

Heterotopias are disturbing, probably because they make it impossible to name this and that, because they shatter or tangle common names, because they destroy "syntax" in advance, and not only the syntax with which we construct sentences but also that less apparent syntax which causes words and things (next to and also opposite one another) to "hold together." This is why utopias permit fables and discourse: they run with the very grain of language and are part of the fundamental fabula; heterotopias. . .desiccate speech, stop words in their tracks, contest the very possibility of grammar at its source; they dissolve our myths and sterilize the lyricism of our sentences. (xviii)

I don't think Kumano offers this much of a challenge to the political and religious orders which it helped to constitute, and if it did, Moerman amply documents the various discourses at hand to transform that transformative potential into the support of the established order; it may, by means of this book, offer that challenge to the "modernity/nation" consensus which has held the day in Japanese studies but may even now be yielding under a concerted and determined assault by scholars of the early modern and other periods of Japanese history.

Further reading: The Heike monogatari; Thomas Keirstead, The Geography of Power in Medieval Japan

Meta notes: Izumi Shikibu was totally awesome.
ahorbinski: A DJ geisha (historical time is a construct)
Bibliographic Data: Smyers, Karen A. The Fox and the Jewel: Shared and Private Meanings in Contemporary Japanese Inari Worship. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999.

Main Argument: "Contradictory notions are held, not just by believers at different sacred centers, but by priests at the same shrine or temple. No central authority has managed to standardize the mythology or traditions; no scriptures provide guidance for orthodox belief and practices. Most people are not aware that their understanding of Inari is different (sometimes radically so) from that of other people. […] Inari practices and beliefs work as a 'nonmonologic unity:' they do form some kind of unity, but they are not systematized or free of contradiction." (10-11) Inari beliefs symbolize and instantiate change amidst the continuity presumed in most Japanese religious traditions.

The fox knows many things; )

Critical assessment: This is an excellent, beautifully written book that lays out in clear and engaging prose a wealth of polysemic meanings, traditions and practices relating to contemporary Inari worship in Japan, most of which is unknown even to Japanese people, and nearly all of which was mostly new to me, despite the fact that I lived in the same city as Fushimi Inari and made multiple visits to the shrine and the mountain (which I climbed several times) in the year that I lived there. In particular, Smyers' emphasis on the need not to take ideologies of culture at face value is hugely salutary, and her discussions with shamans, priests, and religious specialists are fascinating, as is her conceptualization of honne, tatemae, and diversity within harmony. All in all, a wonderful book.

Meta notes: In research, imitate the fox.

Profile

ahorbinski: shelves stuffed with books (Default)
Andrea J. Horbinski

May 2013

S M T W T F S
   1234
56 7891011
12131415161718
19202122232425
262728293031 

Syndicate

RSS Atom

Style Credit

Base style:
Kaigou
Theme:
[personal profile] sarken
Resources:
Circular Icons

Expand Cut Tags

No cut tags